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The Rediff Special/ Sharat Pradhan

Once again it's December 6, a Sunday, and there is Kalyan Singh in Lucknow

December 6 is reminiscent of dark memories of the Black Sunday of 1992, when the 16th century Babri Masjid was razed by violent mobs mobilised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. Compounding the deed was the fact that Uttar Pradesh was under a saffron regime led by the Bharatiya Janata Party's Kalyan Singh.

It may be sheer coincidence that December 6 once again falls on a Sunday and quite like 1992, there is once again a BJP government headed by Kalyan Singh, entrenched in Lucknow. But that is seen as enough reason for escalation of tension in the otherwise quiet and tranquil confines of Ayodhya.

No wonder, therefore, that top state officials have made several trips to Ayodhya over the past week. It began with the state's Principal Home Secretary Naresh Dayal, who was followed by Director General of Police K L Gupta, both ordering fresh measures for intensifying the already unusually tight security arrangements in and around the disputed site of Ram Janambhoomi-Babri Masjid. Strict checking is being enforced on the entry of vehicles to the temple town, whose borders have been virtually sealed from all points.

An additional police force of about 900 armed men has been deployed in and around the twin cities of Ayodhya-Faizabad to keep a strict, round-the-clock vigil. But these are all precautionary measures, says Dayal, who is confident, "all will pass off peacefully."

The makeshift temple with the idol of Ram Lalla (Lord Ram) stands where it was erected six years ago over the debris of the three domes of the medieval mosque. But six years have brought a total transformation in the site, unlike earlier there are sheets all around -- under the order of the court. Devotees continue to pour in in very large numbers. However, as the years have passed by, regulations have become stricter than before.

The 64-acre area acquired by the central government around the disputed site looks more like a heavily iron-caged POW camp with long winds for devotees to tread close enough to have a glimpse of the deity. The steel pipe labyrinths are so narrow that it is possible to march through these only in a single file and the entry and exit points are far apart. All that is visible with the naked eye is the sight of khakhi-clad gun-wielding cops, largely belonging to the central paramilitary forces -- be it in and around the steel structures or atop the acquired building in the neighbourhood.

Even media persons are heavily screened and no photographic equipment or any electronic gadget, including cellphones or pagers, are permitted. Somehow the administration is particularly wary of foreigners, who are not allowed without the express permission of the district magistrate. And vehicles of all sorts, except bearing the police insignia, are kept quite a distance away from the site. How many millions all the paraphernalia costs the state exchequer is a top secret, though it could be anybody's guess. "That is secondary, because what remains of prime importance is the safety and security of the site," remarks District Magistrate M P Misra.

What put the state administration on the alert was a build-up over the past few months by VHP chief Ashok Singal, the frequency of whose visits to Ayodhya naturally aroused suspicion. And to top it all came the VHP's call to honour kar sevaks who currently face a criminal trial in the mosque demolition case, in a sharp and swift reaction following the call of several pro-Babri Masjid activists to observe December 6 as a 'black day'.

The principal home secretary and DGP promptly announced a ban on any of the proposed programmes in Ayodhya. "There is no question of allowing anyone to hold any kind of programme in Ayodhya," UP's police chief K L Gupta told Rediff On The NeT after his second visit to the temple town over a period of three days.

The home department had already issued similar ban orders for the VHP's proposed assemblies at the other two contentious shrines in Mathura and Varanasi.

The VHP had planned a congregation of its volunteers from 22 different states at Govardhan in Mathura district, from where they would have marched down to the Krishna Janambhoomi-Idgah complex in Mathura. "That has been disallowed," said Dayal, who has also banned a proposed assembly of Muslim organisations. "In fact, we just cannot permit any new activity from any side in that town," he added.

But all this has not forced various Hindu and Muslim bodies to formally give up their respective shows -- as no cancellation has been forthcoming so far. The VHP continues to insist on observing 'Shaurya Diwas' (victory day), while its militant sister-outfit, the Bajrang Dal claims to have convened a 'Virat Hindu Sammelan' (a mammoth Hindu gathering), and the All India Babri Masjid Action Committee would hold fateha meetings and the Babri Masjid Punarnirman Samiti will give a call for reconstruction of the razed mosque through 'save Islam rallies'.

The only political party to jump into the fray is the Samajwadi Party, which proposes to play up December 6 as 'Kalank Diwas' (day of shame).

However, despite all the loud calls being given by Hindu organisations, it is unlikely that anyone would actually be able to put up any show, as most of the saffron-oriented volunteers would be converging at Kanpur to participate in a major conclave being organised by the RSS in the city between December 4 and 6. The meet is to be presided over by RSS chief Professor Rajendra Singh. Secondly, the saffron brigade appears crestfallen after the BJP's rout in the assembly election.

Even the most vocal and prominent of all local sadhus, Ramchandra Paramhans, who also heads the Ram Janambhoomi Trust, has no plans to stage any kind of show in or outside Ayodhya. "My ultimate goal is to build a magnificent Ram temple at this site -- and no one can stop me from doing that," he said, while pointing out, "I do not believe in the gimmickry of politicians."

His staunch adversary and the original litigant in the case relating to the title of the disputed land, Haji Mohamed Hashim wants to "mobilise Muslims to prepare bricks for reconstruction of the mosque". According to him, these bricks will bear the mark, 'Taamir Karaye Babri Masjid' as a retort to the VHP's ongoing carving of stones for the proposed temple. Hum unke patthar ka jawab eenth se denge, he puns.

What worries Hashim as well as Haji Mehboob of the AIBMAC in neighbouring Faizabad was the tension that has been escalated every year at this time, "essentially on account of the saffron brigade's campaign over the temple issue". They feel, "The VHP has scant regard for the judicial process, otherwise they would refrain from making provocative statements," while they go on to point out, "As far as we are concerned, we are fully committed to going by the final verdict of the court."

Meanwhile, even as the special designated court, dealing with the Babri Masjid demolition case, has fixed December 15 as the date for framing of charges against each of the 49 accused, there is little hope of the litigation coming to a close anywhere in the near future.

BMAC convener Zafaryab Jilani fears the slow pace at which the case was proceeding so far, may drag it into the 21st century.

What seems of immediate concern to him is the recent ban on burials in Ayodhya. Imposed from October 23, the ban was ordered in the wake of a similar restriction on cremation of dead bodies anywhere within the city limits of the ancient temple town. However, following much opposition by local Muslim organisations, the Faizabad district authorities eventually allowed burial at two sites instead of the erstwhile dozen graveyards within Ayodhya city limits. But that has not yet pacified the Babri activists, who propose to move the court on this issue.

While statements and counter-statements were being issued by leaders of the temple and mosque movements, the man on the street in Ayodhya appears totally uninterested in the whole affair.

"December is a major source of tension for all of us -- not because of any local persons, but because netas from both sides want to take political mileage out of the issue," observes a trader. "We are a happier lot without them. I can vouch that 99 per cent of the local population does not want trouble; but only if outsiders let us live in peace and harmony..." While another points out, "After all, we are the biggest losers."

And what could be a more apt display of harmonious relations that marks the equation between the two men who have been at the forefront of the temple and mosque movements right from 1949. That was when the idol of Ram Lalla appeared surreptitiously inside the precincts of the Babri Masjid, giving birth to a litigation in court that led to the locking of the shrine gates and culminated in its reopening in 1986 -- after which there has been no peace. Ramchandra Paramhans and Haji Mohamed Hashim are the best of friends even now. "My son drives Paramhans's personal car," says Hasim, while Paramhans admits, "I must have a cup of tea with Hashim whenever I go to his house."

So, who knows, if the two could really find a solution to the vexed issue -- provided, of course, they were left alone. But will anyone let them do it?

EARLIER REPORT:

Temple construction regardless of court order, says Nyas chief

The Rediff Specials

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